The article points out the value of teamwork and highlights the conditions for its  effectiveness. There  is  also  a growing doubt about the universality of team  building  in  relation  to  solving  all  possible  problems. On  this  basis, the most common myths (mythologemes) of team building and the corresponding paradoxes  of  team  work are singled out, as well as the ways to overcome these myths. The  article  proposes  an  expanded  understanding  of teams, taking into account the possibility of including participants  in  modern  teams  who  work not  only remotely, but also the so-called “virtual” participants, whose ideas and methods can be used in teamwork. The article also discusses the main mistakes on the part  of  psychologists coaches,  managers  and  teachers  at  team  building training sessions. As the main idea, which is “team-building”, we emphasise not  only  the  orientation  towards common goals and values, but also the adoption by the participants of a common style  and  method  for  solving certain problems. The style itself is a special value, which determines the effectiveness of teamwork.

The article deals with the specifics of pedagogical management in conflict management in higher education in the context of foreign language teaching. The role of conflict management is analysed, key classifications and types of conflicts in the context of different levels of the educational process are described. It is noted that conflict management is extremely important for foreign language education because its effectiveness is directly related to the quality of communication between teachers and students, which depends on the effectiveness of conflict management and the nature of the communication environment as a whole. The authors pay attention to the essence and evolution of pedagogical conflicts, peculiarities and specifics of their resolution. It is noted that when managing conflicts in foreign language education it is important to implement the strategy of cooperation (cooperation, integration), characterised by a high level of orientation of interests of both subjects of conflict resolution, building a balance of interests, recognition of the value of interpersonal relations. The leading strategy of behaviour should reflect the stages and principles of conflict levelling within the framework of the modern conflict resolution paradigm based on mediation technologies, both on the part of students and on the part of the teacher.

The article is devoted to the study of the social aspects of digitalization associated with the interaction of political and public institutions, namely the process of forming digital trust. Based on the analysis of the historiography the main directions in the study of the multidimensional phenomenon of trust in digital reality are formulated. Based on the application of the modeling method, the author’s interpretation of the concept of digital trust formation in relation to the Russian political process is proposed. To analyze the process of digital trust formation, it is productive to use a neo- corporate model in which the dominant role is played by government institutions with the direct participation of business process actors or subjects. The corresponding approach allows us to build a model of digital trust formation in Russia. It is worth noting that in this case there is no correlation with the type of political regime in the state. The main driving force of digitalization in Russia and in other countries is the state represented by authorized institutions, and not the public.

The direction of development of the foreign and domestic policies of states is directly dependent on who and how determines and promotes their national interests in the current historical realities. Relations of intense rivalry, both open and latent attempts to change the unipolar world order that existed for the previous thirty years, the constant trend towards the escalation of interaction in the political and economic spheres of life, and the growing informational and ideological confrontation — have logically brought the planet back to the era of “big” wars. In such an international environment, any state that neglects military security and the desire for military parity jeopardizes the very fact of its existence. A rational and clear definition of the fundamental interests of the state, reflecting the needs and mental values of the maximum number of its citizens, is an integral component of conducting a policy aimed at the benefit and the well-being of the state, its growth, and its prosperity. Russia’s position in international interaction, its self-identification, and its choice of direction of development is of particular importance for the planet. This exclusivity is associated not only with the vast scale of the country’s territory and the significant number of its population, but also with the fact that the Russian Federation has one of the largest arsenals of nuclear and other types of weapons of mass destruction.

This article discusses the issue of the possibility of analysing and monitoring the phenomenon of social tensions in modern society through the analysis of digital footprints of social media users. Within the framework of the article, key aspects of social tension are studied, modern achievements and current advances in the use of social media for research purposes are considered. An assessment was made of the possibilities of using social media to analyse social tensions, taking into account the current socio-economic conditions. In addition, this paper analyses the approach to assessing the change in the level of social tension in the event of a crisis.

In many authoritarian countries of the world, rulers proclaim that the current regime is a model of liberal democracy. Its most significant flaw, however, is that it does not actually exist. This discrepancy between the supposed democratic leadership and reality is due to the neopatrimonial nature of the current political systems. Neopatrimonialism appears to be a hybrid model in which state structures, laws, and rules formally exist but are overridden by informal politics, networks of patronage, kinship, and tribalism. Rather than being organized according to merit, social functions, or administrative rank, the neopatrimonial regime finds its stability in bonds of loyalty to those at the top of the political hierarchy. Often, decentralisation reforms are initiated to overcome this crisis and stalemate. Their result is not always unambiguous, and the resulting effect corresponds to widely advertised expectations. In this context, this study examines the peculiarities of decentralisation reforms and their results in the countries with neopatrimonial democracy. Special attention is paid to the advantages and disadvantages of delegating part of state powers and authority to the local level, as well as its possibilities in achieving peace and resolving conflicts. The results suggest that, ideally, decentralisation generally contributes to an inclusive world where different groups can access power and are included in governance. In practice, however, this result is not always achieved because of the weak institutionalisation of the party system, the lack of transparency in government, and an underdeveloped civil society. The paper examines in detail the specifics of neopatrimonialism in its theoretical and methodological dimension. In addition, emphasis is placed on the potential of decentralisation to contribute to the peaceful resolution of conflicts in a country or — given weak social and political institutions, on the contrary, to increase uncertainty and the threat of military confrontation. A positive example of decentralisation in a neo-patrimonial democracy is seen in the Republic of Kazakhstan, where reforms aimed at changing the contour of the political system, namely constitutional changes affecting, among other things, the powers of the president, were introduced in 2022–2023. The successes in the implementation of constitutional reform in the country are outlined, and the key foundations of successful delegation of powers and separation of powers are highlighted. Using Kazakhstan as an example, the experience of democratisation through the prism of political and socio-economic transformations is examined. The conclusions of the article contain the thesis that depending on the totality of circumstances, peculiarities of political culture, the structure of the power apparatus, etc., the process of decentralisation in neopatrimonial regimes can be both effective and weakly expressed, aimed at strengthening the concentration of power by the ruling elite.

Our country is currently in a very dynamic situation. Rapid changes in a society demand prompt and timely diagnostics of the psychological condition of large and small social groups, that, in turn, makes the problem of toolkit relevant. In the article the comparative analysis of two various types of techniques used in the studies of motivation and value orientations — the traditional method and the reflexive one — is carried out. The advantages and disadvantages of each type of techniques are highlighted. The important advantage of reflexive techniques is that they minimize the problem of equivalence of meanings of the researcher and the respondents. Reflexive techniques also allow for the integration of qualitative and quantitative data analysis. Traditional techniques and methodologies are focused on a quantitative analysis of results. They are easy to create and use. Automation of data processing is possible. Conclusions are made, that use of techniques of reflective type is necessary during crises and rapid changes; and the development of traditional techniques should be based on the results received by qualitative methods.

The article analyses the activities of the governing establishment and groups of interest during the period of post-Soviet reforms. The specifics and the peculiarities of the formation of the power vertical in different historical periods that influenced the value system of the governing establishment and interest groups are elicited in the article. The economic policy and, as a result, the emergence of the most influential interest groups are outlined based on the example of the Soviet state reforms. Special attention is given to the role of cultural and geographic factors affecting the interest groups’ behaviour strategies. The scenario of the post-Soviet market reforms in the context of creating the competition-based economy is analysed. The institutional differentiation of private and state interests is justified and substantiated for the purpose of economic development.

The article is devoted to the evolution of ideas about seniority in the Old Russian Rurikid dynasty. The article considers the continuity and succession of the supreme power and authority in the united Old Russian state, in the pre-Mongol feudal appanage period, in the era of the Horde dominion. The nature and significance of the capital role of Kiev in the pre-Mongolian period is analyzed. The progressive growth of the importance of the northeastern and southwestern Russian lands, the differences in the approaches of their rulers to the all-Russian unity are shown. At the end of the article the conclusion is made that, from the point of view of Russian dynastic patrimonial law, by the 15th century, the only legitimate all-Russian rulers remained only the Grand Princes of Moscow and Vladimir.

The article is devoted to the problem of formation of organised crime in pre-revolutionary Russia in the context of political, socio-economic, moral and ideological transformations of the turn of the XIX — early XX centuries. The author analyses the reasons for the surge of criminal activity in this period, the specifics of the thieves’ world and its priorities, the process of organisational formation of criminal communities, their “rules of the game” and hierarchy. The question of the interaction between “criminal” and “political”, their tactical and strategic alliances, the influence of the atmosphere of ideocracy on the politicisation of the criminal element in the last decades of the Russian Empire is studied separately. 

The article studies the militarisation of the foreign and domestic policy of post-Soviet Ukraine as the driving force of the crisis of modern international relations. The article substantiates the formation of the national-state model of Ukrainian militarism in the period 1991–2022. The ideological and political prerequisites of the genesis of Ukrainian militarism and its relationship with extremist ideological doctrines and teachings are analyzed in the article. The stages of militarisation of the Ukrainian state are considered, on the basis of which the conclusion is made about the formation of new challenges to political stability in Eastern Europe in the XXI century. The necessity of conceptual consolidation of ideas about the militarization of Ukraine’s policy in the doctrinal documents of ensuring the national security of the Russian Federation is argued.

The article considers a project analysis of the peculiarities of different stages of political conflicts, features of various phases of the dynamics of political conflicts. The process of the emergence and development of conflict situations in the political field corresponds to a certain logical order. It is with the help of structural order that it is possible to designate certain phases and stages of conflicts. An analysis of the process of creating and implementing a project of a political conflict in Ukraine has been carried out, the main stages of its implementation have been identified, and the role of project executors and investors has been shown in the article. The article considers the stages of creating the image of the enemy of the Ukrainian people represented by Russia (the aggressor) and the introduction of this image into the minds of ordinary Ukrainians.

Cooperation in the development of the digital economy has become one of the most significant and promising areas of interaction between China and Russia in the context of the increasingly complicated international environment and situation and the desire of the West to restrain the economic development of both countries. Both in Russia and China, the digitalization of the economy is considered one of the main factors in increasing international competitiveness, stabilizing economic growth and improving the quality of life, as well as achieving technological independence. The article discusses the achievements and shortcomings of both countries in the formation of the digital economy, assesses the potential for its development in both countries in terms of resource availability and endowment, analyzes the prerequisites and areas for cooperation in the development of digital technologies, and formulates proposals for its improvement.

The category of the Russian state has become the central analyzed concept of the research presented in the article. The subject of the analysis was also the political perceptions of the values of patriotism, directly related to the image of the state. The article was written based on the results of a representative survey of Russian youth conducted in the fall of 2022 (sample size 2500 people). Based on the analysis of the survey results, some conclusions were drawn by the authors about the specific features of the image of the Russian state in the minds of young citizens, as well as the main trends in understanding the value category of patriotism associated with it. Among the features and peculiarities of the perception of the state, such characteristics as the simultaneous presence of alienation and paternalism, which have a significant impact on the understanding of the other categories under study, were highlighted. The authors note that in the minds of the younger generation there are no understandable or clear images, behavioral patterns that would correspond to the idea of patriotic behavior. This approach to understanding and interpreting these most significant categories that determine the process of self-identification and the formation of the unity of the nation is dangerous as a possible object of manipulation by external and internal enemies of Russia.

ABSTRACT

The Russian Orthodox Church has been undergoing a process of revival for the last thirty years, which means that its influence on various strata of society is expanding. The Church has always seen it necessary to carry out educational work among certain groups of the population, but in the XXI century. this ministry has received a structural character. This fact is confirmed by the content of church official documents that determine the opinion of the ROC on all the main agendas of modern society: politics, economics, education, etc. Young people, as the most energetic and actively developing social group of the population, also found themselves in the focus of the Church’s attention. Along with this, the process of structuring and institutionalization of religious and social work with the youth of the Russian Orthodox Church is one of the important theoretical, methodological and practical aspects of the holistic formation and evolution of youth policy in the Russian Federation. Moreover, representatives of the Church perceive work with young people as part of an internal mission, the purpose of which is religious life and the search for answers to the eternal questions of humanity.

This article is the first of two articles in the series, where the goal is to analyze the social function of gaming as a modern social institution. The purpose of the article is to analyze the situation that has developed inside and outside the game environment — communities of people who have been playing computer games for a long time, including those who do it on a professional level. The modern game environment is characterized by wide coverage and involvement of various groups of society; First of all, we are primarily interested in the target preferences of young people. The author proceeds from the position that in the matters of transmitting socio-cultural codes, game developers are influenced by the media and other social agents. The basic theories for analysis were the provisions of the Chicago school (in particular, sociological and psychological approaches) and part of the provisions of cultural Marxism (G. Marcuse). The analysis of the game environment was carried out through the provisions of the theatrical performance approach, flow states (flow is a feeling of happiness) and in the context of a challenge to the values of an industrial society from the perspective of a post-industrial society. For this purpose, the coverage of post-apocalyptic scenarios in games and their role in mind control were analyzed.

In this article, the author attempts to analyze several basic myths that are based on the events or peculiarities of the historical events of the USSR period, but at the same time have a direct impact on the process of legitimation of the modern political system in Russia. The relevance of this topic is conditioned by the need to scientifically comprehend the existing experience both scientifically and analytically in the formation of the ideological foundations of the statehood of Russia, considering the request for the analysis of the “genetic code” of the Russian political system. As a material for analysis, the author of the article uses generally accepted ideas and artifacts of Russian modernity. The author identified the following three myths for the analysis: St. George’s Ribbon as a symbol of the victory of the USSR over fascism, the Gagarin Monument as a symbol of the breakthrough technological heritage of the USSR and Russia as the successor of this heritage; Economic growth as a symbol of economic determinism embedded in the ideology of Marxism. The identification and determination of the mechanism for the formation of myths based on the historical experience of the USSR has made it possible to identify promising directions for the development of myths in the future.

Subject. Creative industries are a promising area for preserving and creating jobs, developing human creativity, and also have the potential for high added value. In this regard, the development of places of their concentration as creative clusters is relevant, and for this purpose it is necessary to develop effective marketing strategies, taking into account the opinion of the target audience.

Objective. To identify ideas for the formation of a marketing strategy for a creative cluster based on brainstorming with representatives of the target audience.

Methodology. The author used such research methods as brainstorming, comparison, analysis. The basis of the study was  a  brainstorming session with one of the important segments of the target audience of the cluster — the students. The study involved 74 representatives of the target audience from different regions of the country divided into  three  independent groups.

Results. The marketing strategy of the cluster should contain both creative solutions that will allow you to stand out in the market and define uniqueness, as well as popular solutions that will be in mass demand among the audience. As a result of the research, ideas for promoting the cluster were identified and the popularity of each idea was determined. The classification of the ideas received in the course of brainstorming was carried out and the five most preferred types of cluster activity among the target audience were identified. Based on the results of the research, general trends in preferences for the types of activities of the cluster in three independent groups were revealed. As a result of the study, creative ideas were identified that will highlight the uniqueness of the cluster and become the basis of its marketing strategy.

The article presents methodological problems of studying the image of the future of the country among Youth. The unsuitability of the mono-design of empirical analysis, which is limited to the traditional survey method for measuring the image of the future of the state among younger generation, is substantiated. The heuristics of instrumental and projective cognitive science and its possibilities in compensating for the shortcomings of traditional sociology are analyzed. The principles of verification of cognitive science data by methods of automated socio-media analysis of representation in the digital space of the image of the future of Russia are considered. The potential of combining cognitive and psychosemantic methods: eye tracking, polygraphology, cardiometry (instrumental cognitivistics) and associative and sand modeling (projective cognitivistics) in the identification of integration images reflecting in the minds of Russian youth symbols of the positive future of Russia is investigated. The results of the experiment are analyzed, which made it possible to establish visual images associated by Russian youth with the archetypes of “Consent”, “Trust” and “Pride” as the basis for a positive perception by young people of the image of the future of the Russian. Federation. The heuristics of combining the traditional survey with the methods of instrumental and projective cognitive science in clustering young people according to the criteria of activity, awareness of responsibility for their fate and the future of their country, self-generation of goals, demonstration of readiness to achieve them, willingness to negotiate with partners, opponents, self-organization and skills to involve other people in the implementation of their plans are shown. The possibilities of validating the data of projective cognitive science by means of automated social media analysis are considered. The possibilities of scaling the semantic core of the rhetoric of young people — representatives of various strategies for perceiving the image of the future of Russia on the information flows of social media on the Runet are revealed. In conclusion, the general conclusions on the implementation of the methodology and methodology of projective and instrumental cognitive science in the study of the image of the future of the country in the minds of Russian youth are presented. Monitoring the representation of the future of the Russian Federation in the minds of the younger generation can become a basis for practical recommendations to authorities, relevant ministries and state structures on the formation of a positive image of the future of the Russian Federation among young Russians.

The analytical part of this work consists in a special emphasis on the relationship and interdependence of ideological “justification” and economic “expediency” in the exploitation of forced labor by Ostarbeiters. The article notes the consonance of the ideas about the special status of the German worker and total mobilization put forward by the leaders of the Third Reich with the subsequent software and practical actions of the National Socialists in Germany on the issue of labor exploitation of millions of civilians and prisoners of war of countries — military opponents. These actions were not just aimed at reducing pressure on the German worker and maintaining a high level of production, but were accompanied by the imposition of ethnic myths and alien values on foreign workers, moreover, by “cleansing” territories from people during the retreat and destruction through back-breaking and often senseless labor of “racially — inferior” categories. An analysis of the views of modern researchers of the problem showed that rationalistic interpretations of the actions of the Nazi authorities in relation to foreign labor, especially “Eastern workers”, dominate. The ideas of war and domination, the priority of Germany and its interests, formulated by the leaders of the NSDAP, became dominant in the ideology and politics of the Third Reich, where the forced labor of citizens of the occupied states became an integral element.

The article deals with the interaction between Russian government institutions and the oil and gas business against the background of unprecedented sanctions pressure from the collective West. It considers how the interaction between the actors takes place, what decisions are made to maintain the pace of development of the industry, and the scale of production and supply of hydrocarbon resources in connection with the technological and export restrictions. The possibilities and intermediate results of this interaction are assessed, and a hypothesis is put forward that the development of the oil and gas industry along all existing tracks depends on the efforts of joint work of political and economic actors in 2022 by analysing statements, information from open sources and changes in the regulatory framework.

The presented article briefly summarizes the concept of parallel import, the mechanism of its action in the Russian economy. The reasons and conditions for the introduction of  the  parallel  import  mode  are  indicated. The  legal basis of the  operation  of  this  regime  is  considered. The  characteristics  of  the  types  of  principles  of  exhaustion of an entitlement are given. Examples of successful import substitution in Russia are given. The spheres of the economy that face certain problems with import substitution are also indicated. Alternative expert points of view on the introduction of a parallel import regime are considered. The legal  history of  the  parallel  import  issue  in Russia is analyzed. The features of approaches to parallel import in judicial practice are given. The main problems and advantages of the introduction of the parallel import regime and the prospects for its development in Russia are indicated.