The author showed that the modern Western world is facing an extremely important fork in the road, meaning the choice of a further path and ideology of development and a new system of values and social motivation. It is argued that the leading cause of the crisis is the inhibition of the innovative development of modern civilization, which made impossible the neocolonial exploitation of the rest of the world, using innovative superiority. Also, the author showed that a severe problem of the West is the stimulation of growth of quality of life standards and lowering the cost of labour. The paper presents options for responding to this crisis — military suppression of competitors, innovative breakthrough, self-isolation, and information and social manipulation.

The article examines political-legal, institutional forms of regional pan-European cooperation to prevent destructiveness and criminalisation of unregulated and international humanitarian migration, refugees. These migration types are crisis, due to unfavourable sociocultural, infrastructure, financial-economic, ethno-social, environmental, political-legal, religious and other factors, harming traditional living environments. The testing of pan-European instruments on crisis migration is analysed on Germany’s example, one of the key recipient countries of the European Union. Promising forms of ordering unregulated and international humanitarian migration, refugees have corresponded with the state migration policy of the Russian Federation.

In the context of world globalisation, the dominant ideology of capitalism, labour automation, democratization and urbanisation of society, decentralised autonomous organisations are seen as one of the most advanced forms of joint business in the age of information technology. Employees of companies, being at the same time members of civil society, are interested in developing corporate values and social ones. Civil control is beginning to be applied to the state and individual companies, and therefore the relationship between business, government, and society require rethinking.

The power structures are an indispensable tool, the state power system’s resource and a significant factor determining the relationship and outcome of the conflict between the government and society in a period of internal political turbulence. Periods of instability and uncertainty are traditionally accompanied by security officials’ presence in the bowels of power and participation in the struggle for it. At present, the world is faced with choosing one of several possible trajectories for further development. World globalisation and the network revolution increase an individual’s capabilities and importance, and a “man with a gun” a priori, in the historical process. Modern realities of international relations stimulate the existence and strengthening of power structures as state power instruments. Domestic challenges and events in several countries of the world, which actively declared themselves in 2020–2021, force them to rethink the possibility of using law enforcement agencies in resolving internal political conflict situations, as well as the need to conduct an analytical assessment of possible options for the actions of personnel associated with the use of armed violence during periods of intense political turbulence within states. The article substantiates the need for a prompt response of state authorities to changes in the country’s political situation. The author believes that the tendency to an increase in the importance of power structures, as a force exerting a decisive influence at the point of bifurcation on the choice of the direction of further development, requires not only awareness but adjustment of communication processes in the connection “state — power structures — civil society”.

The article is devoted to the results of the Ist International Conference “Linguistics of Distancing: ontology and evolution of language in the time of civilizational shift”. A wide range of issues was raised during the conference. The conference participants — specialists in linguistics, psychology, philology, cultural studies, anthropology, cognitive science, and history — shared their language changes observations. Over the past 50 years, humanity has gone from a global economic boom to a complete break in social groups and entire peoples’ relations, from globalization to regionalization, from world unity to the separation of peoples and cultures. The global coronavirus epidemic has changed the nature of human communication. The desire to expand its horizons remains, and of the available means of knowing the world of people, humanity has very little left — virtual communication channels. And the main thing is that instead of a “fulllength person”, the communication participants received almost one hundred per cent verbal information with nearly zero nonverbal information.

This study’s subject is the theoretical and methodological aspects of studying politicians’ electoral potential and their social networks positioning. This article aims to explore politicians’ activity in social media to identify its impact on their electoral potential. The authors of the paper used the methods such as analysis and synthesis to study the positioning of politicians in social networks, as well as a systematic approach to examine political, social, cultural, and economic factors affecting the characteristics of the manifestation of activity in the Internet space as a whole, and in social media in particular. The work used empirical and analytical methods to study open empirical data, methods of qualitative analysis to study content posted in virtual space. The authors consider the theoretical and methodological aspects of public politicians’ positioning in social media and their potential electoral impact. The article highlights the main methods and approaches to studying this problem and outlines the ways for further research. The findings and results can be used to research further the electoral potential of public politicians and their social media positioning.

The article offers interdisciplinary research based on historical science, social and political philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, general theoretical economics and presents a comparative characteristic of Germany’s political regimes in 1933– 1945 and Austria 1933–1938. Besides, the author solves tasks that make it possible to delimit such categories as Nazism, the Third Reich, fascism (Austrofascism), totalitarianism, authoritarianism, racism, leaderism, to show how much they are actually intertwined or, on the contrary, how disconnected and disconnected, that will allow avoiding incorrect identifications of the key categories of political science in the future, which will bring positive clarity to scientific discourse. Giving a new sound to the problem of political regimes and the distinction between authoritarianism and totalitarianism, classical for political science, the author criticizes the classical notion of a totalitarian regime It argues that it is precisely the posing of the question of the arbitrariness of state intervention that will determine totalitarianism and distinguish it from authoritarianism.

The article presents the results of the study of the political culture of the Russian youth as a generational community, whose socialization took place in the conditions of the post-Soviet political reality under the influence of traditional institutions and new digital factors. The study was conducted based on a political-psychological approach. The empirical base of the study was made up of the materials of the All-Russian representative survey. The authors identify and characterize the views of Russian students about the main socio-political institutions. The authors have identified significant behavioural dominants of the Russian student youth. There are trends towards moving into “virtual reality” and a decline in interest in actual political participation. The obtained scientific data can later be used as the basis for instrumental and technological support for the activities of state structures and public institutions implementing state youth policy.

The article attempts to analyze the oil crisis of 1973 from the perspective of changes in the world financial system’s functioning. The author takes as the starting point of the crisis not the “oil embargo” of the Arab countries in response to the Yom Kippur War, but Richard Nixon’s decree of 1971 on the rejection of the gold fixing the dollar (Nixon Shock). The result was a transformation of the mechanisms and principles of the Bretton Woods system. According to the author, the economy and the socio-political model of the Western countries, subsequently (after the collapse of the socialist camp) of the whole world, underwent a transformation. The article’s relevance is due to the fundamental similarity of the parameters and characteristics of the world economy’s current crisis with the crisis of 1973, which gives the author reason to consider the current crisis a relapse. The author proves that the current global crisis is caused by the shortcomings and costs of the socio-economic model formed in 1973 On the agenda are the same questions and problems that were not answered 50 years ago.

The article examines the situation in the sphere of economic integration and entrepreneurship within the Eurasian Economic Union, related to the pandemic of coronavirus infection, proposed possible measures aimed at transforming the economy as a whole well as a gradual way out of the crisis. As a result of the implementation by most countries of the world of measures to limit the spread of COVID-19 virus infection, there was a drop in financial markets and commodities prices. It also caused a significant deterioration in the external situation for the EAEU. Forecasts of the situation indicate the beginning of the global recession, comparable in magnitude to the financial and economic crisis of 2008–2009 (in an optimistic version) or the Great Depression of the 1930s (in a pessimistic scenario). In 2020, world trade was expected to contract by tens of per cent, a sharp drop in economic activity in the EU, a slowdown in China, which accounts for the bulk of foreign trade of the EAEU countries.

The article analyses the dynamics of electoral volatility in the parliamentary electoral cycles in the years of 2007–2011 and 2011–2016 and its influences on the development of the party system in the Russian Federation. The regions of the Central federal district were chosen to exemplify this process. The author considers the specific impact of the economic and cultural factors on Russian voters’ changing party preferences. The author stressed that the values of survival that prevail in public mass consciences induce citizens to keep up widespread support of the country’s most influential political power, the United Russia party, even in the conditions when the social-economic situation deteriorates. The author concluded that in these circumstances, the United Russia party succeeds in maintaining control over the parliamentary majority due to the 2021 elections to the State Duma So no changes in the party system of the Russian Federation should be expected.

The article examines the Russian media discourse around the authorities’ significant legislative initiatives of the last two years concerning the media. In the context of law enforcement practice, the author of the article draws attention to the problems of censoring the new communication space created by social networks, instant messengers and algorithmic digital media platforms. These problems often include the lack of a clear delineation of concepts, for example, such as “insulting the authorities” and “fair criticism”, the level of forensic expertise and the “human factor” of Roskomnadzor. The article expresses the idea that the increasing number of laws related to media content is associated with the speed of digital communication transformations, which exceeds the authorities’ adaptive capabilities. In parallel with tightening legislation in the direction of control over online media platforms, the author also notes that the government appeals to digital platforms users as allies in the fight for content purity. Summing up the data of discourse analysis, media content analysis, as well as my own experience of participating in court proceedings as an expert linguist, the author concluded that the political effects of the adoption of laws on the media might not be related to the political objectives of the authorities, since they contrast with the values of a particular part of society.

In the article, the author analysed the structural and content characteristics of the information flow, reflecting the discussion of the problems of protecting the individual’s rights in Russia as a type of civic activity of Russian Internet users. As a result of particular software use, the author accumulated a relevant array of social media document and the dynamics, the modality of the flow, its distribution across various social media, the gender and interpreted age composition of the human rights information audience flow. The author concluded that a sufficiently high potential for protest mobilization of this type of digital stream triggers top-starters of human rights discourse in social media to form non-constructive civic attitudes of Russians. Signs of a significant influence of the human rights stream, first of all, among the younger generation are shown. The author identified methods of using the most resonant events in Russian society’s socio-political life by online network opposition leaders to form unconventional Russians’ attitudes by placing these events in the context of a violation of individual rights. It predetermines a shift in meanings and meanings in the sphere of perception by Russian internet users of the ratio of rights and obligations citizens in the Russian Federation. The necessity of monitoring social and media streams representing the human rights theme in the structure of all streams reflecting the digital civic activity of Russian users is substantiated, the importance of accompanying these streams from the standpoint of creating alternative discourses aimed at overcoming the problem of undermining trust in existing government institutions and contributing to the formation of a culture of constructive civic activity of Russians in digital and offline environments.

The article considers aspects of the interaction between the state and business and describes the state’s role in developing innovative projects in the Asia-Pacific region. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is one of the most rapidly growing centres of innovative projects in the Asia-Pacific region. The most attractive sectors to invest in here are finance, education, technology, artificial intelligence and blockchain technologies. SRV has acquired a human resource capacity that is capable of producing high-quality, innovative projects Education in Vietnam is a social task for the state Numerous universities and institutes and business accelerators, business incubators, and coworking centres play an essential role in personnel training.

The article deals with the problem of the formation and development of emotional intelligence (EI) in students. The author noted that there is a relationship between intelligence and emotions. Next? The author listed five components of D Goleman’s. EI model, covering various skills and abilities, the formation and development of which should be directed efforts during the educational and educational process. Further, the author defined the tasks in which EI played an important role and presented an overview of current key methods for assessing and determining EI level In the end, the author presented the conclusions of research confirming the point of view about the possibility of targeted development of EI. Also, the author concluded that the formation and development of students’ emotional intelligence have particular importance in education, and its solution will allow students to successfully overcome difficulties of various properties and feel comfortable in society.

The article examines the relationship between communicative and cognitive technologies in teaching a foreign language to students of non-linguistic universities. The authors conclude that the introduction of these technologies makes it possible to focus on each student’s individuality, activate his thought processes (attention, memory, information processing), and activate motivation and the ability to learn. The article describes the circumstances and means through which students can improve their knowledge of the language and acquire communication and speech skills. The paper also presents the results of experimental teaching of non-linguistic faculties, revealing the theoretical and practical validity of the cognitive and communicative aspects in teaching students of non-linguistic universities and establishes their relationship.

La situation pandémique de COVID-19 a non seulement occasionné une crise sanitaire mondiale, mais aussi une crise économique dans la plupart des pays du monde. [7] Tout a commencé en Décembre 2019 à Wuhan, une localité de la République populaire de Chine où un virus appelé Coronavirus a été découvert avant de se répandre partout dans le monde entier quelques mois plus tard. Ce fut le début d’une période obscure pour l’humanité, et pour l’Afrique, qui a enregistré son premier cas de COVID-19 le 14 Février 2020 en Égypte. Selon le programme des Nations-Unies pour le développement (PNUD), la pandémie de COVID-19 est la plus grande crise sanitaire mondiale auquel l’humanité ait été confrontée depuis la seconde guerre mondiale (https://www africa undp org/content/rba/en/home/coronavirus html) et l’Afrique n’en reste pas à l’écart de cette declaration. Ce sujet est d’une importance fondamentale pour le monde entire en général, et pour le continent africain en particulier, d’autant plus que cette pandémie touche toutes les couches sociales et économiques du continent; mettant l’économie des pays africains en position inconfortable. [16] C’est un grand défi auquel l’Afrique doit faire face. Cet article a pour but de d’aborder l’impact de la pandémie de COVID-19 sur les économies africaines. Pour ce faire, il serait judicieux d’analyser les données et statistiques de la pandemie COVID-19 en Afrique en s’appuyant sur les decisions poliques et economiques, supports, articles et rapports disponibles sur la question de la pandémie de COVID-19 en Afrique.