The article is about the main component parts of the new world order. The author analyses the views of politics and scientists concerning the new interpretation about the transformation of international relation systems in the XX century.According to the author’s viewpoint the world and international relations have radically changed during the past three decades of years. This process has not ended yet. From a bypole situation through an onepole world with a multipole background the world is moving again to a new bypole system. It is most possible that this will be a world of a semiantagonistic struggle of two superpowers - USA and China.

The article reveals and analyses current state of the United Kingdom (UK) foreign policy and its outlook. While London is traditionally (alongside other states of Anglo-Saxon world) considered as a recognized ally and a junior partner of the United States (US), nevertheless, dynamics of international relations since the end of 2000s demonstrates that it cannot be stated with dead certainty. The conclusion based on analyzed evidence is that in spite of taken steps and efforts, and measures implemented in recent years, and declarations of British authorities, in fact London tends to pursue diversification of its foreign policy. Meanwhile, it cannot be said that it’s smooth and seamless process. It’s being criticized by Washington. But the White House lacks tools to influence the UK’s position.In the meantime, nowadays London faces serious challenges, and cooperation with Washington is not a priority. The reason, in part, is driven by the fact that US administration has nothing new to offer and cannot provide security. Also, the United States pursue their own interests at the expenses of interests of their partners more often and in more uncovered way. This implies search of new foreign policy options.Currently, the most burning foreign policy problems for the Conservative government of David Cameron are the relations with European Union (EU) in view of the plans to hold referendum on whether or not to remain a member of the European Union and the relations with China and Asian countries. At the same time for London it is necessary to keep good relations with American administration regardless of its partisan views and political affiliation.

The Russian-West conflict is a multicomponent phenomenon of the international relations, proceeding at the same time at several levels of the politico-economical and politico-ideological propaganda antagonism. In focus thus there are discussions and mutual reproaches on the character of a political system, level of freedom and observance of human rights in each of «camps», and also critical indications on value-conscious aspects of economic interaction, including in the sphere of energy. The similar format of the argument and promotion of the foreign policy position very quickly leads to double standards when the reality of power and pipeline politics appears to be in contradiction to the ideological dogmas about democracies and the autocracies as desirable and undesirable partners for the West.The western policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) appears one of the most striking examples of such double standards. Interest in Iran as the supplier of hydrocarbons (that is alternative to Russia) forced the USA and the EU actively to draw IRI as the worthy and acceptable partner. Concerning such a partner it is admissible and even it is desirable to reduce the level of public criticism concerning its internal political system, level of freedom of the internal political competition, observance of human rights, freedoms of private life, freedom from rigid ideological or religious dictate. Similarly it is admissible to accept a sharp decrease in№ 1(21)/2016fears concerning foreign policy of the «improved» («reformed») country, even about its opportunities for creation of risks for other states. Proliferation risks for the weapons of mass destruction are ignored, and the West in these conditions consciously refuses to listen to a position of the Iran’s neighboring countries, including Israel and Sunni monarchies of the Persian Gulf, which view of«peacefulness» of Tehran absolutely differ from that in Washington or in the European capitals. Additional argument of «whitewash» of Iran comes with the need to oppose this case in a propaganda sense to the case with Russia - this country is not ready to make significant concessions to the West in exchange for easing of sanctions.

Russia’s strengthening in the world arena although based on the integration of the country into global and regional political and economic institutions and reinforced by its attempts to restore position in key regions did not result in complex foreign policy strategy towards neighbor-countries of post-Soviet space. Most former Soviet republics are on the margins of Russian foreign policy activity. They are perceived by Russian political and economic elites as partners “by default”, definitely depended on bilateral economic ties with Russia.The author uses the metaphor of margins to describe the above-mentioned group of countries as politically and economically important for Russia but in real Russia’s foreign policy activity and priorities ranked second with no complex long-term strategies be implemented to them. That means that Russian diplomacy needs to react to challenges coming from the former Soviet republics and it does not followproactive way in dealing with these countries.Russia’s ambition to be equal partner to major global actors can be realized only in the context of loyal, stable and friendly geopolitical neighborhood of the former Soviet republics. One of the measures to achieve such neighborhood is to pursue further development ofEurasian Economic Union (EEU). Today this institution needs much attention from its members meaning the necessity to elaborate on EEU long-term strategy in the context of on-going economic instability and increasing external threats.This article provides an analysis of the existing Russian foreign policy potential to be implemented to the former Soviet republicsin order to achieve the goal of forming loyal, politically and economically predictable neighborhood. The research is based on comparative and case-study analysisextended by the study of documents regulating contemporary Russian foreign policy.The research results in formulating three group of mid-term tasks for Russian foreign policy in the post-Soviet space. Three types of recommendations are highlighted to make Russia’s foreign activity in this direction more efficient.

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An analysis of the phenomenon of the most expensive global brands shows that business can be an important and autonomous«self-perpetuating» without government interference source to increase the influence of their country of origin. Transnational corporations (TNCs) and their corresponding brands are important carriers and agents of «soft power» generated using a complex set of marketing, advertising, psychology, and management tools.

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The ongoing civil war in Ukraine nowadays represents an extreme display of the delegitimation of Poroshenko’s regime at the east of the country and its low legitimacy level over the territories controlled by Kiev. Among the key preconditions of this situation one can highlight social and political disintegrity of the ukrainians, rectified directions of the economic development of the west and east regions, peculiarities of the geopolitical position of Ukraine, governing failure and significant influence on the legitimacy process from abroad. Foreign intervention into the internal Ukrainian affairs is the component of another phase of the historical confrontation of the superstates, within which West exercises increasing pressure on Russia. The Anglo-Saxon target the Ukraine for several strategic reasons: ethnic and confessional proximity of the Ukrainians and the Russians, role of Kiev as the energy hub between Russia and Europe, favorable military strategic location of the country in frame if the limitation of Russian defensive capacity.As a practical conclusion the author highlights a necessity of the activation by Moscow its diplomacy, support to the pro-Russian elites in the CIS countries and improvement of the «soft power» within the post-soviet area to maintain a safe and stable geopolitical encirclement. One indicates as well the elements of the resemblance of the social, economic and political troubles in the Ukraine and our own difficulties. In view of this one justifies need of strengthening the sovereign and stable legitimacy model in Russia with the system methods.

Interview with the Director General of the Center for Political Information, a famous Russian expert Alexei Mukhin

The article analyzes the problem points and key concepts related to the consideration of the genesis of philosophical knowledge in its initial period. The value of philosophical traditions of ancient India is important in the modern world, which is clearly demonstrated by the spread of the practice of yoga and philosophical systems of Buddhism, the recognized world religion. The author’s approach is the introduction to the teaching of modern research results, which set out radically new interpretation of ancient Indian philosophical tradition and its importance for the analysis of social processes in the globalizing world.

In this article the author considers graffiti as upcoming tools of political agitation and advocacy. The author analyzes the origins and development stages of the graffiti subculture. The article considers contradictions in the system of relations between society and subculture of graffiti: on the one hand, the phenomenon is perceived as the result of cultural crisis, and on the other - as part of the mass of street culture. Graffiti’s assessment duality, recognition of graffiti as art and at the same time, as vandalism lie in its origin and gradual complication.

In this article the timely causes, methods and mechanisms of the influence of economic elites on the democratic political power are examined. As the most glaring example, the author refers to the experience of the United States - the country that actively promotes the importance of practical implementation of democratic values. Studies, which were conducted by the American scientists in 2013- 2015, however, show that the interests of the majority of citizens are fundamentally at odds with the aspirations of the financiallywealthy "elites" of the society, which is about 1% of the population. Also there is virtually no possibility of influence on the American politicians by the average citizens, as they don’t have both financial resources and personal connections. Due to the fact, this order of things provokes disparity between rich people and the rest of the population, that has already reached a historic highest point and left about 47 million of Americans below the poverty line.The author analyzes the statistics, surveys and researches were taken in the past few years, which allows to evaluate the situation in the country both "de jure" and "de facto". Then the conclusions of non-compliance of the declared democratic order and practically implemented are drawn, and also the ways which allow the economic elites to influence the public authorities are identified. It is not only the well-known practice of financial support of election campaigns, but also the lesser-known creation of commissions and meetings with the financial elites, giving the guidance to the authorities; the participation of representatives of business in the presidential meetings; opportunities of personal interaction between the economic elites and politicians.In general, this article, in the author’s opinion, is an argument in favor of a dangerous trend of turning the government from a socially oriented formation in a market-oriented actor in world politics, whose main objective is to get an economic profitability.

Review on the book of Dmitrios Kisoudis “Goldgrund Eurasien. Der neue kalte Krieg und das Dritte Rom“