He main tendencies of the modern historiography of the Great Russian Revolution are considered in the article, including the revision of the ideas and interpretations that were established in the Soviet period (the “triumphal march of Soviet power”). Author traced the formation of new directions and concepts of the study of the revolutionary era, the impact of the events of 1917 and subsequent years of the Civil War in all aspects of public life in the country, the growth of economic collapse, the fall of the country’s international prestige and the disintegration of the Russian state. Changes in the perception of the revolution by contemporary Russian society are noted.

The article is devoted to the reasons, nature and historical lessons of the 1917 revolution in Russia. These problems after a century not only continue to remain relevant, but are at the center of modern theoretical and political discussions. Determining in the understanding of its meanings remains the identification of its objective conditionality, the system of contradictions, the logic of the political process in the country, the nature of the representations of the leading political forces about the ways of resolving the urgent political and social transformations, which was the reason for its acute and dramatic flow. Particular attention is paid to the bloc policy of the country’s leading political forces, to the contradictions in the coalition policy of the Provisional Government, opportunities for establishing a right-wing dictatorship, to the possibilities of implementing a levodemocratic alternative. Analyzes of the Bolsheviks in 1917 for the seizure of power by the working class and the peasantry, with the immediate goal of completing the democratic revolution and the practical consequences of this course. It is noted that, for all the ambiguity of the historical lessons of the Russian revolution, it has become a truly epoch-making event that has had a tremendous impact on the destinies of not only Russia, but the world as a whole.

The article is highlighted and describes the archetypal nature of domestic revolutionism, presented in the form of steadily reproducible cultural traditions and stereotypes of thinking and social activity of the Russian people. In this context, the specifics of mass and elite revolutionism, showing historical and modern forms of their manifestation. Of particular importance in the reproduction of revolutionism is given to Imperial and despotic forms of organization of public authority, for centuries served as the main source of formation and actualization of the citizens ‘ subculture. Determined the direction and institutional context of the reform of the political space, contributing to the progressive eradication of mass and elite consciousness of revolutionary sentiment and values.

This paper presents an attempt to reconceptualize the foundations of the “Soviet legacy” in terms of modern social and human sciences. The Russian Revolution of 1917, along with English Revolution of the XVII Century and French Revolution of XVIII Century the Russian Revolution of 1917 is considered as a mode of transition to Modernity. In order to advance academic knowledge of particular qualities of Russian Revolution of 1917 three concepts are used: “creative destruction” (K. Marx and J. Schumpeter), ‘Multiple modernities’ (S. Eisenstadt) and «la longue durée» (F. Brodel). In this conceptual framework the Russian Revolution of 1917 appears as a second inclusion in the processes of Modernity, which epitomized in the Soviet variation of Modernity. “Soviet Modernity” was characterized by “incredible syntheses” of utopia, archaic and tradition, made possible by the revolutionary upheaval, but informed by civilizational logic of «la longue durée». The ultimate result was the establishment of the Soviet variation of “State-Civilization”. It is proposed that the Soviet legacy could be summed up in a four-part formula: “Modernity” + “Sovereignty” + “Super-Power” + “Development”. The Soviet variation of “State-Civilisation” made it possible for Russia to escape from the “cognitive trap” of “universalist ideologies” of the early XX Century and to reestablish ‘sovereign’ model of development, based on the independently designed strategies. Of special interest for polital analisys of the Soviet system are practices of ‘developmental states’ of the second half of the XX Century in Europe, Asia and Latin America.

The article is devoted to the problem, which is topical for modern political science and practice. The revolution of 1917 is a key event in the history of Russia. Representations about it in the minds of Russian citizens, especially young people, are an important element of historical memory. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is the political-psychological approach, which allows us to consider political representations in the structure of group political consciousness. The object of study is the political consciousness of young people, the subject of study is political representations in the context of historical memory. The study was conducted using the method of formalized interviews using associative techniques. The results of the research show that the revolutionary events of 1917 cause contradictory feelings in young people: they are experiencing both positive and negative emotions. The event series of youth’s ideas about the Revolution is scanty and stereotypic. Schoolchildren do not have any specific knowledge about these events, their causes and consequences, the most prominent figures. They are poorly informed about how the revolutionary events in the works of culture (literature and movies) are reflected. The level of cognitive complexity of their representations is rather low. This is due, on the one hand, to the non-systematic study of the history of Russia in the school, the orientation toward the preparation for the passing of the USE as a technological examination tool, and not to the broad historical education of young people. On the other hand, the mass media focus their attention mainly on individual historical events in the context of public holidays or anniversary dates. A century of revolution in these conditions remained on the periphery of the information and cultural agenda. At the same time, schoolchildren, oriented mainly to the use of the Internet, for the most part do not fall into the audience of even these few historical and educational projects and programs. The results of the survey as a whole are correlated with the data of surveys of research centers, for example WCIOM. Further development of the research topic may be related to the analysis of youth’s representations about the most significant historical events to determine their symbolic and identification potential.

Color revolutions became a very common phenomenon in the 21st century. A significant amount of factual material makes it possible to analyze the prerequisites for the emergence of color revolutions, their types and results in different regions of the planet. The article analyzes twenty-three color revolutions that took place on four continents. By a method of comparative analysis of data, the authors attempted to reveal patterns that provoke and prevent their occurrence. The combination of such factors as regional specificity, the type of political regime, the historical traditions of governance of different states, the state of society, the demographic composition of the population, external interference - determine the process and results of color revolutions. Groups of countries in which color revolutions follow similar scenarios were identified. The research shows that color revolutions will alter, as, on the one hand, the goals and objectives of the organizers change, and on the other hand, even in peripheral countries, political elites have accumulated a certain experience of counteraction. But they will remain for a long time in the arsenal of means of struggle of geopolitical subjects.

The main goal of the article is to reveal the essence and features of the classical political economy’s liberal research paradigm, taking into account the methodological and theoretical innovations of K. Marx, which led to the completion of this paradigm, in the book “Capital”. It exposed alternative to each other Marx (restrictive) and generally accepted (broadening) positions of understanding the classical political economy paradigm time frames. On the basis of the analysis, the argument is made that the research paradigm of classical political economy, introduced into the scientific revolution in Capital, originated in the bowels of mercantilism at the turn of the XVIIth - beginning of the XVIIIth centuries, almost uncontestedly dominated economics until the second half of the XIXth century. The generalization of the proposition is based on the fact that in K. Marx’s Capital, judgments about the model of the economic life of the future and such a qualitatively different paradigm of economics are clearly manifested in which mentality, mores, collective psychology will be taken into account, since “economic laws capitalism” in the historical context can not be considered unchanging and never-ending. As a summary, the conclusion is drawn that the results of the theoretical and methodological research in K. Marx, which in the most concentrated and complete form absorbed his work “Capital”, were the most important components of the fundamental prerequisites for a qualitative renewal of economic science, viewed through the prism of the emergence and subsequent change of inherent research paradigms.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities and traditions of the hieroglyphic foundations of the Chinese political mentality. Here we are talking about the study of the features of the hieroglyphic bases of thinking in China, such as inaccuracies, the ambiguity of language, low logic and lack of abstract words, the lack of a systematic philosophy of metaphysics, the lack of logic and philology as disciplines in history, and the peculiarities of the pragmatic-utilitarian character of mentality. The article concludes that due to cultural isolation, peculiarities of hieroglyphic bases of thinking, pragmatic-utilitarian character of mentality and absence of mental bases of transcendental thinking, China in principle is not capable of effective mental and political expansion on a global scale. The article reveals the causes and peculiarities of these phenomena.

In conditions of dynamic economic changes, it is necessary to consider a variety of factors which contribute to the enhancement of economic development of the country, including cultural and national character. Formulated in the Russian religious philosophy in the nineteenth - early twentieth century ideas about the essence, forms and methods of agriculture are largely consistent with prevailing social structure and spiritual culture, reflect the relationship of the principles of productive labour with the traditional style of economic life. These views pose to the present day, doubtless scientific and practical interest.

Due to a number of fundamental factors the role and significance of social media in modern politics are increasing. The Internet and social media are increasing their influence in all spheres of life. Interest and confidence in traditional media are noticeably falling, which is compensated by the growing interest and trust in social media. The generations learned and formed in a new socio-cultural and technological context are coming into political and social life. Thus, the digital platforms are becoming a new important field of political (or computational) propaganda. The goals of computational propaganda are the same as the goals of traditional one. Computational propaganda uses the same cognitive misconceptions. In computational propaganda bots (imitating human behavior software programs) and paid users are used. Paid users operate with three basic tactics. The first one is the manufacturing of consent. The second is the replacement and criticism of undesirable points of view and the creation of alternative communication. The third is the use of agents of influence. These three tactics are positive and informative. Also the tactics of trolling is used to destroy communication. Compared with the traditional computational propaganda has a number of important advantages. It provides a prompt feedback, allows to modify quickly the message and ensure its multivariance, thereby greatly improving the accuracy of delivery. In general, computational propaganda is more effective and cheaper at the same time than traditional one. However, developed a century ago the general principles, strategies and tactics of political propaganda, remain unchanged. But the channels and delivery techniques under which the message is modified have been changed. The role and significance of political propaganda in the digital environment will increase over time and in one or two generations digital platforms can become the main arena of propaganda struggle.

The article looks at the role of families of Jewish financiers in USA in the XIX-XX centuries. The question of Jewish involvement in historic capitalist development and movement of the Jewish capitals from Europe to America in is considered. Jewish dynastic financiers had an important role in the creation of Federal Reserve System in 1913 (Warburg, Kuhn, Loeb, Seligman, Schiff). The article emphases the history of less known families of the Jewish financiers (Arnold, Cohen and others). Some of these families keep leading roles in the world of finance. The information contained in the article shows the close relative connections between mentioned families of Jewish financiers as well as connections between American financiers and European financiers.

Nowadays the stagnation of the Russian economy, largely manifesting itself in the weak susceptibility of the budget appropriations allocated for the development of the economy, in particular the development of industrial and innovative facilities, can be seen. It is impossible not to say that the state began to show a particularly intense interest and understanding of the importance of the development of these facilities for the national economy in recent years in connection with imposed sanctions against the Russian Federation (RF) and the decrease in the gross domestic product (GDP). But a “weak link”, that underlies for the basis of the decision of increasing the effectiveness of policies by state authorities, still remains. The most important institutional mechanisms remain without attention enabling of the transformation of relations between business, science and government according to requirements of innovative development and timely updating, namely the priority organizational and management over financial and economic methods. Organizational and managerial measures designed to simplify and facilitate the interaction of industrial enterprises with complicated external environment, or simplify the environment, or, finally, that most difficult to focus the movement of the environment to achieve the intended long-term goals of industrial development, which is the primary condition for subsequent budget allocations. Disclosure and understanding of the institutional nature of industrial and innovative development are fundamentally important for our country that seeks to enter the wave of economic recovery.