The paper considers the question of the validity of the opinion of the results of the Crimean War as an unconditionally heavy and even shameful defeat of the Russian Empire. Is it correct to assume that the outcome of the war is evidence of the non-viability of the state system that was established in the first half of the nineteenth century under the leadership of Nicholas I? To answer this question, the author analyzes political goals set by the anti-Russian coalition and the extent to which they were achieved. The article cites data refuting the thesis of a noticeable technical lag in equipping the Russian army and stresses that the ratio of losses to Russia and its opponents is quite comparable. This fact the author regards as evidence in favor of the success of the actions of Russian soldiers and officers, as well as the effectiveness of the state system as a whole. The article also shows the techniques of the information war of the XIX century and draws a parallel with the methods of “soft power”, so widespread in our time. The author comes to the conclusion that a significant share of criticism of Nicholas Russia is tendentious, biased and is not due to objective, but purely political reasons. The relevance of this study is attached to the events caused by the return of Crimea to Russia in 2014, and the subsequent reaction of the international community. As in the 19th century, our country once again found itself in diplomatic isolation on the part of European states against the backdrop of domestic political instability. According to the author, in order to find a way out of the current difficult situation, it is useful to turn to the experience of the past.

The article discusses the Marxists’ views on the national question and analyses the contradictions in the Marxist environment associated with the understanding of the development of national consciousness - V. I. Lenin, R. Luxemburg, and other leaders’ approaches to consider the national question and implementation of their views in practice. The author concludes that theoretically reasonable internationalism did not lead to proletarian globalization, and the attempt of application of the provisions of economic determinism to issues of national identity were methodologically insufficiently substantiated tools - narrow economically determined sociology of Karl Marx could not correctly assess the importance of cultural factors and value bases of development of social consciousness in the formation of nationalism. One of the proofs of artificial, idealistic and optimistic Marxists’ views on the question about the prospects of class solidarity-of the world proletariat is the fact of emergence of a powerful wave of right-wing, nationalist and fascist movements that swept Europe after the First world war. Fascism was a powerful national reaction on the international aspirations of the followers of Marx. However, in spite of unmet expectations and the wrong social prognosis of Marx followers it is important to note the relevant fact, identified by Marxists - the existence of connection between the level of economic development and the growth of national consciousness.

The article is devoted to the analysis of formation of the concept of state patriotism in Russia for the period 2000-2017. The author outlines the key ideology components that characterize a particular period of country’s development in the specified years. At the same time, he explores ideological and philosophical priorities of the native establishment and public attitudes that are consonant with or contradictory to the official ideological line. Specificities of various ideological components within the elite circles taking into account complex nature of Russian “ruling class” are identified. In conclusion it is emphasized that the concept of the state patriotism is a core political “staple” of the Russian Federation and at the same time provides mutual understanding among different stratums of Russian society

The article is devoted to the general characteristic of a transition period in policy, economy and culture. It is noted that the situation in culture is represented to the most difficult. The analysis of a real situation in specific areas of culture and art is given. It is specified that during a transition period the greatest losses were suffered by cinema. It is noted that the special attention is required by the Soviet vanguard in architecture. Is shown that with approach of a transition period its provision becomes more and more problematic to the point of vanishing of the soviet vanguard

In the article, some peculiarities of methodology of the socio-humanitarian cognition are analyzed, the dialectics of the principles of objectivity of the truth, the unity of the historical and the logical on both the theoretical and the empirical levels of cognition, and the specifics of their interpretation in new cognitive circumstances are revealed. The authors substantiate the actuality of the Marxist principle of the priority of social being in the research of socio-historical processes

After the first world war corporatism began to claim the role of the “third” path of social development. In the 1920-1930s in some European countries an attempt was made to implement a corporatist ideas. They are most fully embodied in fascist Italy. In subsequent decades, corporatism was associated with the economic and managerial practices of fascism and some other right-wing political regimes. Today, corporatism is the basis of life in a number of countries

The BRICS is going through the transformation from the dialogue forum to the full- fledged mechanism at the moment. The path of development varies so does the national core interests. The BRICS have more cooperation space to explore and there is also a long way forward to shape a collective identity. What the BRICS needs for the common development is solid foundation. Being the most two major members, China and Russia are obliged and capable of pushing the collaboration of the BRICS to more fields and further grounds, utilizing their mutual work as the source. Under the BRICS, this relatively loose mechanism, if Russia and China want to fulfill their own expectations, they have to coordinate with other countries’ common interests, by enlarging the consensus and collective identity and positively promoting the strategic communication among the BRICS, in order to confirm and develop the strategic targets overlapped. Building the solid organization structure and cooperation mechanism, furthering harmonization and integration of communication platform will be the probable options of the Russia and China to strengthen the communication and cooperation of the BRICS in social and cultural fields

In the conditions of increasing information impact on the citizens of Russia with the aim of undermining its historical, spiritual and patriotic roots, the state and scientific potential of military historical science became of fundamental importance for ensuring state, military and public security. The task set by the President of Russia V. V. Putin - not to stir up passions in society, lead him to reconciliation, rapprochement, especially in the year of the anniversary of the revolutionary events of 1917 - is also relevant for scientific institutions in the field of military history. Analysis of the role and place of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in ensuring the information security of the state, the current state and prospects for the development of military historical science in the Ministry of Defense of Russia, is the subject of this work. To reduce the risk of using information and communication technologies for purposes that threaten Russia’s security, proposals are formulated.

External and internal risks for the functioning of modern societies caused by geopolitical, economic, socio-cultural system crises, cause permanent migration processes. To prevent the risk of migration it is important to develop effective adaptation and integration mechanisms for migrants of all types (including external), taking into account the historical, legal, political, economic, sociocultural, and religious aspects. Suppression of uncontrolled flows of refugees into Europe from the countries of the Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, from other regions, which has become one of the phenomena of European immigration crisis in April 2015, potencirovalo threat to the national security of Russia, secondary migration. With regard to the implementation of State programmes to assist the voluntary resettlement of compatriots to the Russian Federation, residing abroad, interest is the problem of the accumulation potential of compatriots living abroad and its correlation with the needs of the development of Russian regions. Important improvements in planning, patenting, efficient allocation of labour migrants by branches of the national economy. Serious research demands the development of legal methods of stabilizing Russia’s population, principally in strategically important areas. Updated the task of scientifically-practical design theory and legal frameworks, effective mechanisms for the integration of migrants in the Russian society.

As a part of the discourse on the quality of education, the paper examines the issues of goal-setting training of students of economic universities, proper assessment of the students’ intellectual potential and the expected results of personally focused training on subjects included in the basic part of the federal state educational standards. The comparison of test results of the first-year students for a number of years demonstrates a steady decline in the quality of knowledge of students coming to the university. Such a situation may attest to the crisis state of the national high school system. It is stressed that in the context of globalization, the success of graduates from economic higher schools depends not only on their mathematical knowledge, but also on their knowledge of the Russian and foreign languages. It is noted that an effective Continuity of Knowledge (CoK) between high school and university is gaining on special significance. It is concluded that in the framework of the existing model of training at higher school, harmonizing the efforts of the teacher and the student with the aim of building an individual educational pathway will ensure the transition to a knowledge economy.

The article dwells upon the significance of education that can be regarded as the major factor influencing the development and accumulation of human capital. The article provides the main approaches to identify human capital and its components. The author highlights the differences between human capital and other forms of capital and using the research findings the author justifies the priority role of human capital in the modern economy. Further, the author considers the issue of investments in human capital and identifies their subjects and objects. Education is regarded as the main object of investment in human capital. The author describes the influence of education on the professional success of an individual and thus his contribution into the national economy. The author has characterized the sources of human capital development. Moreover, the influence of education on human capital development has been demonstrated. In the conclusion of the article, there are recommendations which if followed can improve education system and quality of education and its efficiency: all these things will lead to human capital development as one of the key competitive advantages of the country in the contemporary global economy.

The article is devoted to technologies of destabilization of political regimes, which led to a wave of uprisings in North Africa, dubbed the “Arab spring”. The consequences of these uprisings can be observed so far. Thus, there is an actual problem of prevention and counteraction to the use of such technologies with the aim of maintaining stability within the country. The article describes the main methods of destabilization of political regimes, the factors of their vulnerability to threats of destabilization. The use of technologies of destabilization during the “color revolutions” has been analyzed and the most effective and common ones have been marked. Also the methods of destabilization of political regimes that are given in the article are illustrated by historical examples of color revolutions in Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, Serbia, Georgia, Yemen, Syria, Tunisia, and Egypt. Statistical data is allowing to analyze the socio-economic condition of the countries before and after the color revolutions. Presented and analyzed the approaches of Western scholars to the classification of revolutions and technologies of political instability. The author analyzes the writings of J. Goldstone, J. Sharpe, S. Huntington, the theory of the Twitter revolution. The article gives extensive theoretical and practical analysis of technologies of destabilization of political regimes on the basis of Russian and foreign sources that are printed and published in the Internet