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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">humanities</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Гуманитарные науки. Вестник Финансового университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2226-7867</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2619-1482</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Financial University under The Government of Russian Federation</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.26794/2226-7867-2026-16-2-83-94</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">humanities-1357</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>АКТУАЛЬНЫЕ СОЦИАЛЬНО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>CURRENT SOCIO-POLITICAL RESEARCH</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Санкции, ядерные амбиции и архитектура экономического сопротивления в Иране</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Sanctions, Nuclear Ambition and the Architecture of Economic Resistance in Iran</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7726-1757</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Расулинежад</surname><given-names>Э.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Rasoulinezhad</surname><given-names>E.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Эхсан Расулинежад — доктор экономических наук, доцент кафедры исследований России, Кавказа и Центральной Азии, факультет глобальных исследований</p><p>Тегеран</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Ehsan Rasoulinezhad — Dr. Sci. (Econ.), Assoc. Prof., Department of Studies of Russia, the Caucasus and Central Asia, Faculty of World Studies</p><p>Tehran</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">e.rasoulinezhad@ut.ac.ir</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Университет Тегерана</institution><country>Иран</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>University of Tehran</institution><country>Islamic Republic of Iran</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2026</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>23</day><month>04</month><year>2026</year></pub-date><volume>16</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>83</fpage><lpage>94</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Расулинежад Э., 2026</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2026</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Расулинежад Э.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Rasoulinezhad E.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://humanities.fa.ru/jour/article/view/1357">https://humanities.fa.ru/jour/article/view/1357</self-uri><abstract><p>Противостояние вокруг ядерной программы Ирана часто преподносится как простая конфронтация между Тегераном и Западом, но реальность гораздо сложнее. Происходящее сегодня — это диалектический процесс, в ходе которого действия и противодействие постоянно меняют ландшафт мировой экономики непредсказуемым образом. Автор считает, что международные санкции не остановили ядерную программу Ирана. Напротив, они спровоцировали более глубокую трансформацию: укрепление идеологии «экономики сопротивления», которая в настоящее время укоренилась в политической экономике Исламской Республики и направлена в первую очередь на выживание режима. Военный удар 2025 г. и последующее ужесточение санкций, по-видимому, не только не ослабили систему, но и укрепили ее. Сегодня ядерная программа Ирана стала неотъемлемой частью идентичности самого государства. Однако эта устойчивость была приобретена дорогой ценой. Экономическая изоляция в настоящее время носит структурный характер, коррупция приобрела институциональный характер, а гражданское общество работает в условиях жестких ограничений. Во многих отношениях давление Запада привело к эффекту, противоположному ожидаемому,— укреплению институтов безопасности, маргинализации гражданской экономики и сужению пространства для дипломатии. Если из этого и можно извлечь урок, то он заключается в том, что политика, основанная главным образом на принуждении, вряд ли приведет к тем результатам, на которые рассчитывают ее создатели. Более продуктивным был бы переход к управляемому взаимодействию, сочетающий надежное сдерживание с реалистичными дипломатическими мерами. Для региональных участников это также означает пересмотр ожиданий. Вопрос больше не в том, удастся ли сохранить Иран безъядерным, а в том, как управлять региональной обстановкой в условиях, когда Иран обладает ядерным потенциалом. Прямой, устойчивый диалог между региональными державами необходим, если мир хочет избежать опасного витка эскалации. Для Тегерана эта задача не менее сложная. Логика постоянного сопротивления, какой бы политически полезной она ни была внутри страны, экономически и социально неустойчива в долгосрочной перспективе. Реинтеграция в мировую экономику потребует сложных компромиссов — политически дорогостоящих, но, возможно, необходимых.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The standoff over Iran’s nuclear program is often framed as a simple confrontation between Tehran and the West, but the reality is far more complex. What we are witnessing is a dialectical process — one in which action and reaction continually reshape the landscape in unpredictable ways. In this study, I argue that international sanctions have not stopped Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Instead, they have provoked a deeper transformation: the consolidation of a “resistance economy” ideology, now embedded in the Islamic Republic’s political economy and geared primarily toward regime survival. Far from weakening the system, the 2025 military strike and the subsequent snapback of sanctions appear to have reinforced it. Today, Iran’s nuclear program exists in a dual state — both latent and existential. It has become woven into the identity of the state itself. Yet this resilience has come at a steep price. Economic isolation is now structural, corruption has become institutionalized, and civil society operates under severe constraints. In many respects, Western pressure has produced the opposite of its intended effect, empowering security institutions while marginalizing the civilian economy and narrowing the space for diplomacy. If there is a lesson here, it is that policy based primarily on coercion is unlikely to yield the outcomes its architects expect. A more productive path would involve shifting toward managed engagement — combining credible deterrence with realistic diplomatic off-ramps. For regional actors, this also means recalibrating expectations. The question is no longer whether Iran can be kept non-nuclear, but how to manage a regional environment with a nuclear-capable Iran. Direct, sustained dialogue among regional powers is essential if we are to avoid dangerous escalation spirals. For Tehran, the challenge is not less complex. The logic of perpetual resistance, however politically useful domestically, is economically and socially unsustainable in the long term. Reintegration into the global economy would require difficult compromises — politically costly, but perhaps necessary.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>экономические санкции</kwd><kwd>ядерно-энергетическая программа</kwd><kwd>экономическое сопротивление</kwd><kwd>Иран</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>economic sanctions</kwd><kwd>nuclear energy program</kwd><kwd>economic resistance</kwd><kwd>Iran</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Kelishomi, A., Nistico, R. Employment effects of economic sanctions in Iran. World Development. 2022;151:105760. URL: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2021.105760</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Kelishomi, A., Nistico, R. Employment effects of economic sanctions in Iran. World Development. 2022;151:105760. 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